Get the next issue in your inbox — clear, evidence-based GLP-1 analysis, every week.
|
|||||||||||||||||||||||||
Between August and December of 2025, a researcher at Yale went shopping for a drug I prescribe almost every day.
She wasn't a patient. She was a simulated one: a profile built to meet the eligibility criteria for a GLP-1 medication, then pointed at the open internet to see what it would sell her. She visited 49 websites. 45 of them wrote her a prescription. 34 put the medication in the mail.
2 of them did it in under 5 minutes.
The study landed in JAMA on July 6. I read it the way you'd read an inspection report on your own house. I've spent most of my career inside the industry that built these sites, and I recognized every shortcut in it.
Here's the number I can't put down. Only 55% of the sites asked whether she had an eating disorder.
That matters more than it sounds. Starting a GLP-1 in someone with an active, undiagnosed eating disorder is one of the few genuinely dangerous things you can do with these medicines, and it's exactly the kind of thing a real clinical encounter is designed to catch. Nearly half of these sites never even asked the question. The professional societies couldn't be clearer that this assessment belongs in the standard of care. These websites, apparently, disagreed.
| 45 of 49 sellers prescribed. 2 did it in under 5 minutes. Only 55% asked about eating disorders. |
What the secret shopper found
The setup is almost too simple. One researcher, one simulated patient meeting eligibility criteria, one question: what does the market actually do when a plausible customer shows up with a credit card? The answers are worth sitting with.
Screening was optional. Only 53% of sites asked about diet and physical activity. Only 65% asked about prior weight-loss attempts. Only 18% bothered to ask whether she even had a primary care clinician. The questionnaire existed. The clinical curiosity behind it didn't.
The safety checks were theater. 9 sites (20%) required a full-body photo or a photo standing on a scale, then wrote the prescription anyway when she sent only an upper-body shot. A requirement that's never enforced isn't a requirement. It's set dressing.
The clinician was often a formality, and sometimes barely present. Only about a quarter of sites required a video visit. A handful required even a phone call. When a visit did happen, the median lasted 9 minutes. 3 clinicians prescribed to the same simulated patient across 2 or more different websites, which tells you how thin the human layer really is. One rubber stamp, many storefronts.
Commerce ran on autopilot. 76% of the prescribing sites automatically charged and shipped the medication after approval, with no confirmation step from the patient at all. You didn't so much buy the drug as trip a wire that mailed it to you.
| 76% charged and shipped the medication with no patient confirmation. The default was to sell. |
And then there was the part that made me put the paper down for a minute. Nearly half the sites (45%) asked leading questions engineered to justify a compounded formulation. Would you like your doctor to tailor your dose? Would you like control over how the medication is injected? These aren't clinical questions. They're consent theater for a product decision that was made before you arrived. 60% of the prescriptions came bundled with supplements, B12, glycine, NAD+, carnitine, added for reasons that have far more to do with margin and differentiation than with evidence.
None of this is an argument against telehealth. I run a telehealth practice. It's not an argument against these medicines either. GLP-1 receptor agonists are among the most important tools obesity medicine has ever had, and the access this study describes is real and, for a lot of people, life-changing. So if the technology is good and the drugs are good, what exactly went wrong?
The answer is not technology. It is incentives. |
I've been employed inside venture-backed and private-equity-adjacent care models. I've sat in the meetings where the growth math gets done, and I can tell you nobody ever stood up and proposed removing the doctor. That's not how it happens. It's slower and more boring than that. Someone shares a screen. There's a funnel with a drop-off at the visit step, and the visit is the most expensive box on the slide. So the conversation becomes: how do we shrink that box.
The dilution happens one quarter at a time. Growth capital has a metabolism. It has to be fed, and it never stops being hungry. So every cycle, in a slightly different conference room, the same question gets asked: what can we take out of the process and still convert the customer?
The clinician is the most expensive, slowest, least scalable input in the entire machine. So the clinician is where the pressure always lands. First the visit gets shorter. Then it goes asynchronous. Then it becomes a questionnaire. Then the questionnaire becomes a formality. Then someone discovers you can prescribe on an upper-body photo, and the full-body requirement quietly becomes a checkbox nobody enforces. Each step is individually defensible. Each step ships. And the sum of them is the study you just read.
This doesn't require a villain. It requires a spreadsheet and a fiduciary duty to someone who isn't the patient. When a company takes outside capital, it acquires a new boss, and that boss isn't the person in the exam room and isn't the clinician trying to help them. It's the return. A care model can be genuinely excellent on the day it launches and still degrade over time, because the force acting on it never sleeps and never once points toward the patient.
|
Where My Argument Stops
The study documents a symptom: care stripped to the studs. It does not prove my explanation for it. The researchers did not measure funding structures, and neither did I. Physician ownership is not a moral guarantee. Plenty of doctor-owned practices chase volume and cut corners too. What I am offering here is a mechanism I have watched operate from the inside, not a controlled experiment. Read it as testimony, and weigh it as testimony. The data are the data. The interpretation is mine, and I want you to see exactly where one ends and the other begins. |
What is worth protecting
The single most valuable thing a care model can do is preserve a clinician's ability to ask an inconvenient question and then act on the answer, even when that answer is "not yet," or "not you," or "let's get labs first." That capacity is expensive. It doesn't scale cleanly. It shows up as friction on every growth dashboard ever built. Which is precisely why it's the first thing outside capital erodes, and the last thing a patient can afford to lose.
The patients in this study weren't real, so no one was harmed. The next 49 people are real. Somewhere in that group is a woman with an eating disorder she was never asked about, on a compounded formulation she never needed, shipped to her door before she had a chance to reconsider. The drug isn't the problem. The absence in the room is the problem.
|
Vineyard was built without venture capital or private equity, on purpose. Because we wanted the only master in the room to be the patient in front of us. No outside boss whose returns depend on how much care we can quietly remove. When no external capital is demanding a bigger number every quarter, you can protect the two things that always get cut first: the depth of the clinical encounter, and the people who deliver it. If you want to see what obesity care looks like when nobody upstream is optimizing you into a funnel, that is what we are for. |
Somebody has to be there to ask the question. In the market this study describes, nobody did.
That's the whole story. It's also the assignment.
Following the latest GLP-1 clinical trials?
|
| Disclosure. I am the Chief Medical Officer of Vineyard, a telehealth obesity medicine practice. Vineyard operates without venture capital or private-equity funding, which is the entire subject of this essay. Read what follows knowing I have an interest in the argument I am making. I have tried hard to be honest about its limits, and I have marked the line between what the data show and what I believe. |
REFERENCES
Chetty AK, Chen AS, Ross JS, Ramachandran R. Online prescribing of GLP-1 receptor agonists. JAMA. Published online July 6, 2026. doi:10.1001/jama.2026.9131
Chetty AK, Chillakanti M, Ramachandran R, Ross JS, Chen AS. Online advertising of compounded glucagon-like peptide-1 receptor agonists. JAMA Health Forum. 2025;6(1):e245018. doi:10.1001/jamahealthforum.2024.5018
Nadolsky K, Garvey WT, Agarwal M, et al. American Association of Clinical Endocrinology consensus statement: algorithm for the evaluation and treatment of adults with obesity/adiposity-based chronic disease, 2025 update. Endocr Pract. 2025;31(11):1351-1394. doi:10.1016/j.eprac.2025.07.017
Mozaffarian D, Agarwal M, Aggarwal M, et al. Nutritional priorities to support GLP-1 therapy for obesity: a joint advisory. Am J Clin Nutr. 2025;122(1):344-367. doi:10.1016/j.ajcnut.2025.04.023
Banks A. GLP-1 receptor agonists and eating disorders: cause for concern. N Engl J Med. 2026;394(17):1665-1667. doi:10.1056/NEJMp2600300
Elmaleh-Sachs A, Schwartz JL, Bramante CT, Nicklas JM, Gudzune KA, Jay M. Obesity management in adults: a review. JAMA. 2023;330(20):2000-2015. doi:10.1001/jama.2023.19897
US Food and Drug Administration. FDA intends to take action against non-FDA-approved GLP-1 drugs. Published February 6, 2026.
